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    <title>Repositório Coleção:</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10071/3139</link>
    <description />
    <pubDate>Mon, 20 Apr 2026 06:29:44 GMT</pubDate>
    <dc:date>2026-04-20T06:29:44Z</dc:date>
    <item>
      <title>The globalization project of the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries (CPLP)</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10071/36812</link>
      <description>Título próprio: The globalization project of the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries (CPLP)
Autoria: Herpolsheimer, J.; Seabra, P.
Editor: Engel, Ulf; Herpolsheimer, Jens; Mattheis, Frank
Resumo: Similar to many other regionalisms that aim to build regions and regional communities, the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries (CPLP) emerged as an effort to manage the effects of contemporary globalization processes, trying to gain or regain some control, and to favorably (re)position different state and nonstate actors in reordering processes at different interconnected spatial scales. In that sense, regionalisms and globalization processes have been mutually influencing and, in fact, co-constitutive.</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 01 Jan 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/10071/36812</guid>
      <dc:date>2025-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>African Union's quest for peace in Somalia: Contextualizing the transition from AMISOM to ATMIS 1</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10071/36781</link>
      <description>Título próprio: African Union's quest for peace in Somalia: Contextualizing the transition from AMISOM to ATMIS 1
Autoria: Ajú, M. M.
Editor: Záhořík, Jan; Ylönen, Aleksi
Resumo: Authorized in March 2007, AMISOM’s mandate officially ended on March 31, 2022 giving place to a newly established African Union Transition Mission in Somalia that came into effect on April 1, 2022. After 15 years of mixed results of success and failure between 2007 and 2022, the African Union has remained resolute in its commitment and on course with the quest for peace and consolidation of state-building in Somalia. It now has a heightened sense of determination with ambitious and clearly defined targets for its mission, tight deadlines, and a well-defined exit strategy, something that was missing before. This chapter explores the challenges of a transition and highlights the salient and possibly insurmountable onus placed into the hands of a still weak Federal Government of Somalia. More specifically, it discusses the prospect for peace and security in the most conflict-ridden nation of the Horn of Africa with the related regional implications and beyond in a post-AMISOM landscape. An assessment of AMISOM’s experience and the overly ambitious transition plan suggests that the emerging scenario could yet again fall short of expectations in the quest for stability and lasting peace will continue to remain an elusive grand ambition.</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 01 Jan 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/10071/36781</guid>
      <dc:date>2025-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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      <title>The rendering of the old far right/ the origin and formation of Chega</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10071/36348</link>
      <description>Título próprio: The rendering of the old far right/ the origin and formation of Chega
Autoria: Marchi, R.
Editor: Carvalho, João
Resumo: In the first two decades of the 21st century, a fourth wave of radical right parties in Europe&#xD;
has succeeded the three waves identified by Klaus von Beyme (1988). The latter were&#xD;
formed by the neofascist parties founded in the immediate aftermath of the Second&#xD;
World War by the defeated of 1945; the populist wave in the 1960s and 1970s that was&#xD;
critic of the fiscal pressure caused by the growth of the welfare state; and the antiimmigration wave from the 1980s onwards. The former of the 21st century – the fourth&#xD;
wave – is nowadays characterized by a marked Euroscepticism caused by&#xD;
disenchantment with the European integration project, the relevance of Islamophobia as&#xD;
a result of global terrorism, the rejection of anti-democratism and violent extremism&#xD;
(Goodwin 2019: 108). In this recent context, radical populist right-wing parties have&#xD;
consolidated and entered or supported national governments with center and right-wing&#xD;
mainstream partners. These parties are no longer mere challenger or niche actors, since&#xD;
they became institutionalized in their national party systems (Mudde 2016: 16).</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 01 Jan 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/10071/36348</guid>
      <dc:date>2025-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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      <title>The Polar Silk Road: A Euro-Sino economic, political and geo-strategic challenge</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10071/35886</link>
      <description>Título próprio: The Polar Silk Road: A Euro-Sino economic, political and geo-strategic challenge
Autoria: Marsili, M.
Editor: Freixes Sanjuán,Teresa; Moreno Piñero, Juan Carlos
Resumo: While delivering a speech at Nazarbayev University in Astana, Kazakhstan, on September 7, 2013, the Chinese President Xi Jinping proposed an ‘economic belt along the Silk Road’ that, connecting China to Central Asia, would represent the biggest market in the world. The concept is inspired by the ancient Silk Road that witnessed hundreds of years of booming trade and cultural exchange on the Eurasian continent. Named ‘The Belt and Road initiative’ (BRI) – the BRI refers to the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (MSR) – this strategy intends to bring countries in the world closer than ever, that is, to shorten the distance between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and other countries, and to facilitate trade in Chinese goods. In March 2015, the Chinese government published the Vision and Actions on Jointly Building Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. In May 2017, the first Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation was convened in Beijing. On June 20, 2017, the National Development and Reform Commission and the State Oceanic Administration released a document titled Vision for Maritime Cooperation under the Belt and Road Initiative, to synchronize development plans and promote joint actions among countries along the MSR. Finally, in his report to the 19th National Congress Communist Party of China (CPC), delivered on October 18, 2017, the general secretary of the CPC Central Committee announced that Beijing wanted to assume a global leadership role. This work aims to investigate the impact of the ‘Polar Silk Road’ (PSR), also known as the the ‘Ice Silk Road’ (ISR), framed within the MSR as part of the broader Chinese maritime geo-strategy, over the European solidarity and security.</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 01 Jan 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
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      <dc:date>2025-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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