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  <title>Repositório Coleção:</title>
  <link rel="alternate" href="http://hdl.handle.net/10071/3139" />
  <subtitle />
  <id>http://hdl.handle.net/10071/3139</id>
  <updated>2026-05-07T18:42:06Z</updated>
  <dc:date>2026-05-07T18:42:06Z</dc:date>
  <entry>
    <title>Inside Chega's membership</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://hdl.handle.net/10071/37027" />
    <author>
      <name>Carvalho, J.</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Santana Pereira, J.</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Marchi, R.</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://hdl.handle.net/10071/37027</id>
    <updated>2026-04-27T10:38:30Z</updated>
    <published>2025-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Título próprio: Inside Chega's membership
Autoria: Carvalho, J.; Santana Pereira, J.; Marchi, R.
Editor: Carvalho, João
Resumo: This chapter examines the characteristics of Chega’s party members in the early 2020s through the analysis of a large N survey to help overcome the lack of overall knowledge on far-right activists. The internal composition of the PRRP shapes their internal development, as well as their electoral success at the polls. Drawing on past literature, this chapter will trace the distribution of Chega’s membership according to three main groups: the extremists, the opportunists, and the moderates. Secondly, this investigation seeks to explore the causal factors that influence the internal composition of Chega’s membership. The conclusions will suggest that Chega’s membership is mainly formed by moderates, followed by opportunists, whilst overt ideological extremism is confined to the fringes of the party’s membership. Male and younger party members are more likely to display an extremist profile than female and older members. Chega’s internal composition reflects its roots in deeply conservative circles and the lack of imposition of a cordon sanitaire by the mainstream parties, particularly the PSD</summary>
    <dc:date>2025-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Angola</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://hdl.handle.net/10071/36962" />
    <author>
      <name>Seabra, P.</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Martins, V.</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://hdl.handle.net/10071/36962</id>
    <updated>2026-04-21T09:14:33Z</updated>
    <published>2025-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Título próprio: Angola
Autoria: Seabra, P.; Martins, V.
Editor: Kleynhans, Evert; Wyss, Marco
Resumo: After more than three decades of internal strife and extensive involvement from key international actors, Angola’s oversized military apparatus found itself without a core mission following the end of hostilities in 2002. Since then, the Angolan Armed Forces (FAA) have been used interchangeably as means of national reconciliation, internal repression, and external power projection. However, these roles have been adopted with varying degrees of priority and effectiveness. This chapter explores the ensuing adaptation of the FAA as dictated by a lingering wartime legacy, the aftermath of multiple disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) processes, and the atomization of authority for the protection of the state. The combined effect of these three elements helps to explain the set of capabilities made available, the functional overlapping of internal structures of the state, and the fleeting interest in meeting broader African security demands.</summary>
    <dc:date>2025-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>The globalization project of the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries (CPLP)</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://hdl.handle.net/10071/36812" />
    <author>
      <name>Herpolsheimer, J.</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Seabra, P.</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://hdl.handle.net/10071/36812</id>
    <updated>2026-04-07T08:37:18Z</updated>
    <published>2025-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Título próprio: The globalization project of the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries (CPLP)
Autoria: Herpolsheimer, J.; Seabra, P.
Editor: Engel, Ulf; Herpolsheimer, Jens; Mattheis, Frank
Resumo: Similar to many other regionalisms that aim to build regions and regional communities, the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries (CPLP) emerged as an effort to manage the effects of contemporary globalization processes, trying to gain or regain some control, and to favorably (re)position different state and nonstate actors in reordering processes at different interconnected spatial scales. In that sense, regionalisms and globalization processes have been mutually influencing and, in fact, co-constitutive.</summary>
    <dc:date>2025-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>African Union's quest for peace in Somalia: Contextualizing the transition from AMISOM to ATMIS 1</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://hdl.handle.net/10071/36781" />
    <author>
      <name>Ajú, M. M.</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://hdl.handle.net/10071/36781</id>
    <updated>2026-04-01T07:59:01Z</updated>
    <published>2025-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Título próprio: African Union's quest for peace in Somalia: Contextualizing the transition from AMISOM to ATMIS 1
Autoria: Ajú, M. M.
Editor: Záhořík, Jan; Ylönen, Aleksi
Resumo: Authorized in March 2007, AMISOM’s mandate officially ended on March 31, 2022 giving place to a newly established African Union Transition Mission in Somalia that came into effect on April 1, 2022. After 15 years of mixed results of success and failure between 2007 and 2022, the African Union has remained resolute in its commitment and on course with the quest for peace and consolidation of state-building in Somalia. It now has a heightened sense of determination with ambitious and clearly defined targets for its mission, tight deadlines, and a well-defined exit strategy, something that was missing before. This chapter explores the challenges of a transition and highlights the salient and possibly insurmountable onus placed into the hands of a still weak Federal Government of Somalia. More specifically, it discusses the prospect for peace and security in the most conflict-ridden nation of the Horn of Africa with the related regional implications and beyond in a post-AMISOM landscape. An assessment of AMISOM’s experience and the overly ambitious transition plan suggests that the emerging scenario could yet again fall short of expectations in the quest for stability and lasting peace will continue to remain an elusive grand ambition.</summary>
    <dc:date>2025-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
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